An NGCP top official maintained that the company is a Filipino corporation and run by Filipinos, allaying concerns about China role in the operation of the country’s power grid.
“The State Grid Corporation of China (SGCC) does not exercise control over the power grid nor over NGCP,” NGCP Vice Chairman Henry Sy Jr. told the House Committee on Legislative Franchises in his opening statement.
“Domestic corporations Monte Oro Grid Resources Corporation and Calaca High Power Corporation each hold thirty percent (30%), or a total of sixty percent (60%) of the outstanding capital stock of NGCP, whereas SGCC only holds a minority share of forty percent (40%),” he added, stressing that SGCC’s shareholding in NGCP is consistent with the Constitution.
On the matter of NGCP’ partnership with a Chinese firm, Sy clarified that SGCC was already on board and the shareholders agreement was already in place when he purchased his shares in 2010.
He also debunked reports that the Chinese can shut down the country’s power grid, stressing that “it is NGCP alone, through its Filipino directors and personnel, and not the Chinese, which has control over the System Operations.”
“The Chinese do not have control over the Grid,” he emphasized, adding “there is no proverbial single red button that can instantly turn off the Grid.”
There are protocols that actually prevent this, Sy stated.
Sy also informed the Committee that NGCP’s SCADA system is a secure stand-alone, isolated system not connected to any other network or internet, thus making it safe from remote hacking.
Sy also underscored the need for stability, not just in the power grid, but also in supply, law, policy and regulation, for a more robust power industry.
“I strongly urge our DOE to look at the problem as a whole. The data is clear, 97 percent of the power interruptions from 2016 to 2023 was caused by problems in supply,” Sy pointed out.
“We need stable, affordable baseload power. We need a comprehensive, aligned plan that considers the needs of all sectors. We are willing to be part of the solution, but transmission should not be the solution to everyone’s problems,” he said. (PR)
NEW MEDICAL SCHOOLS. The campuses of UEP in Northern Samar, ESSU in Eastern Samar, and VSU in Leyte are set to become new training grounds for future doctors after securing CHED approval to offer Doctor of Medicine programs starting in Academic Year 2026-2027.(Photo UEP Facebook)
NEW MEDICAL SCHOOLS. The campuses of UEP in Northern Samar, ESSU in Eastern Samar, and VSU in Leyte are set to become new training grounds for future doctors after securing CHED approval to offer Doctor of Medicine programs starting in Academic Year 2026-2027.(Photo UEP Facebook)
TACLOBAN CITY – Aspiring doctors in Eastern Visayas will soon have more opportunities to pursue medical education closer to home after the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) approved the opening of Doctor of Medicine programs in three state universities across Leyte, Eastern Samar, and Northern Samar beginning Academic Year 2026-2027.
The approval allows Visayas State University (VSU) in Baybay City, Eastern Samar State University (ESSU) in Borongan City, and the University of Eastern Philippines (UEP) in Catarman to offer the first and second-year levels of their Doctor of Medicine programs, significantly expanding the region’s capacity to train future physicians.
The three institutions are among only five state universities and colleges nationwide granted authority by CHED to open medicine programs following a comprehensive evaluation conducted by the agency’s Office of Programs and Standards Development and the Technical Panel for Medicine.
Also receiving approval were Benguet State University in the Cordillera Administrative Region and the Cotabato State University-Cotabato Regional Medical Center School of Medicine in Region XII.
According to CHED, the universities met all requirements under CHED Memorandum Order No. 18, Series of 2016, which sets the policies, standards, and guidelines for Doctor of Medicine programs in the country.
The expansion forms part of the national government’s efforts to address the country’s physician shortage and improve healthcare access, particularly in underserved and geographically isolated areas.
The Philippines currently has only 7.92 physicians for every 10,000 population, below the minimum ratio of 10 physicians per 10,000 people recommended by the World Health Organization.
The initiative also supports President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s directive to expand medical and nursing education programs and advances the objectives of the Doktor Para sa Bayan Act, which aims to make medical education more accessible while encouraging graduates to serve in areas with limited healthcare services.
The CHED approval marks a major milestone for Eastern Visayas, which until now had only two institutions offering medical education—the privately operated Doña Remedios Trinidad Romualdez Educational Foundation, Inc. College of Medicine in Tacloban City and the UP Manila School of Health Sciences in Palo, Leyte.
With the establishment of medical schools in Samar and Leyte, students from the region will no longer need to leave Eastern Visayas to pursue medical studies, reducing costs and increasing opportunities for local residents to enter the medical profession.
Eastern Samar Representative Christopher Sheen Gonzales welcomed the approval of the ESSU College of Medicine, describing it as an investment in the province’s future healthcare workforce.
“We take pride in this important step toward providing more accessible and affordable opportunities for young people from Eastern Samar who dream of becoming doctors,” Gonzales said.
“This is not merely a proposal for a new college. It is an investment in the future of our healthcare system—developing more doctors who come from Eastern Samar, who care about Eastern Samar, and who are committed to serving Eastern Samar,” he added.
Gonzales, together with 4Ps Party-list Representative Marcelino Libanan, authored the measure creating the College of Medicine at ESSU.
The lawmaker said the institution is expected to help produce more healthcare professionals, address physician shortages, and strengthen healthcare delivery in underserved communities across Eastern Samar and neighboring provinces.
Meanwhile, VSU announced that it is prepared to welcome its pioneering batch of medical students after successfully completing CHED’s rigorous evaluation process and receiving approval to offer the first two years of its Doctor of Medicine program.
The latest approvals also bring the national government closer to its goal of establishing at least one state university offering medicine in every region of the country. CHED said all regions now have a state-run medical school program except the newly created Negros Island Region, which has been identified as the next priority area.
Presidential Adviser on Peace, Reconciliation and Unity Secretary Mel Senen Sarmiento, Northern Samar Governor Harris Christopher Ongchuan, Congressman Edwin Marino Ongchuan, Catubig Mayor Solomon Vicencio, and other officials lead the groundbreaking ceremony for the Catubig Bridge Project on June 17, 2026. The Pamana-funded infrastructure project is expected to improve connectivity and spur development in remote communities of Northern Samar.(The PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT OF NORTHERN SAMAR)
Presidential Adviser on Peace, Reconciliation and Unity Secretary Mel Senen Sarmiento, Northern Samar Governor Harris Christopher Ongchuan, Congressman Edwin Marino Ongchuan, Catubig Mayor Solomon Vicencio, and other officials lead the groundbreaking ceremony for the Catubig Bridge Project on June 17, 2026. The Pamana-funded infrastructure project is expected to improve connectivity and spur development in remote communities of Northern Samar.(The PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT OF NORTHERN SAMAR)
TACLOBAN CITY — A long-awaited infrastructure project that promises to transform transportation and economic opportunities in Northern Samar officially broke ground on Wednesday, June 17, with national and local officials leading the ceremonial start of the Catubig Bridge Project in the municipality of Catubig.
The project, funded under the government’s Payapa at Masaganang Pamayanan (Pamana) Program, includes the construction of a 151-meter concrete bridge and a 2.48-kilometer two-lane road that will connect the town proper to Barangay Calingnan and the Hagbay area. Once completed, it is expected to benefit residents of 27 geographically isolated and conflict-vulnerable barangays.
Leading the groundbreaking ceremony was Presidential Adviser on Peace, Reconciliation and Unity Secretary Mel Senen Sarmiento, joined by Northern Samar Governor Harris Christopher Ongchuan, Northern Samar First District Representative Edwin Marino Ongchuan, Catubig Mayor Solomon Vicencio, officials from the Office of the Presidential Adviser on Peace, Reconciliation and Unity (OPAPRU), and representatives from the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police.
For decades, residents in the affected communities have relied on small boats to cross the Catubig River, one of Northern Samar’s major river systems.
While the river serves as an important source of livelihood and water, it has also posed significant transportation challenges, particularly during heavy rains and flooding when crossings become difficult and dangerous.
In his message, Sarmiento underscored the importance of infrastructure in promoting peace, security, and inclusive development, especially in communities affected by conflict and geographic isolation.
Governor Ongchuan said the bridge will provide a safer, faster, and more reliable route for residents while facilitating the movement of agricultural products, goods, and services. The project is also expected to improve access to schools, healthcare facilities, government services, and markets.
Beyond improving mobility, the Catubig Bridge Project is seen as a key component of government efforts to strengthen its presence in remote communities, support peacebuilding initiatives, and create new economic opportunities in areas that have long faced development challenges.
Local officials welcomed the project’s implementation, noting that it is the result of years of advocacy by the municipal government to secure funding.
Mayor Vicencio described the bridge as the most significant infrastructure undertaking in the municipality’s history, saying it will serve as a vital link connecting communities and improving the quality of life of residents.
“This bridge is more than just an infrastructure project. It is a pathway to progress, peace, and prosperity for our people,” he said.
Prior to the groundbreaking ceremony, local government officials and OPAPRU signed a Memorandum of Agreement for the project on March 26, 2026.
TACLOBAN CITY — Nearly all local government units (LGUs) in Eastern Visayas have earned the Department of the Interior and Local Government’s (DILG) 2025 Good Financial Housekeeping (GFH) distinction, highlighting the region’s continued gains in fiscal accountability, transparency, and responsible governance.
A total of 147 LGUs in the region received the recognition this year, surpassing the 134 awardees recorded in 2024, according to the DILG regional office.
The awardees include all six provinces, all seven cities, and 134 of the region’s 136 municipalities that successfully met the requirements of the annual assessment.
Only the municipalities of Giporlos in Eastern Samar and Pagsanghan in Samar failed to secure the distinction.
The GFH recognition is granted to LGUs that demonstrate sound financial management and compliance with transparency standards set by the national government.
To qualify, an LGU must obtain either an Unmodified or Qualified audit opinion from the Commission on Audit (COA) based on its latest Annual Audit Report. It must also fully comply with the Full Disclosure Policy (FDP), which requires the timely and complete public posting of key financial documents through designated bulletin boards and the FDP Portal.
Since its launch in 2010, the GFH assessment has served as one of DILG’s key governance performance indicators, measuring how effectively local governments manage public funds and uphold fiscal transparency.
The recognition is considered a benchmark of good governance as it affirms an LGU’s adherence to national standards on accountability, financial stewardship, and public disclosure.
Apart from strengthening public trust, the distinction also serves as a prerequisite for access to various national government incentives, grants, and performance-based programs.
The DILG regional office said the results reflect the collective commitment of local governments in Eastern Visayas to responsible governance and prudent management of public resources.
Among the cities recognized was Tacloban City, which maintained its status as a GFH passer for 2025.
Mayor Alfred Romualdez said the recognition affirms the city government’s commitment to transparency and accountability.
“This recognition reflects the city government’s continued commitment to transparency, accountability, and responsible management of public resources. It demonstrates our dedication to protecting and properly managing government assets, strengthening resilience, and ensuring that every program, project, and investment contributes to a safer, stronger, and more prosperous Tacloban,” Romualdez said in a statement.
Meanwhile, the provinces of Northern Samar, Southern Leyte, Biliran, and Leyte achieved 100-percent compliance, with all their component municipalities receiving the GFH distinction.
With only two municipalities falling short of the requirements, Eastern Visayas posted one of its strongest performances in recent years, underscoring the region’s progress in promoting fiscal discipline, transparency, and effective local governance.
Corruption scandals left hanging by those in power are among the gravest wounds a nation can suffer. It becomes far worse when the very people expected to investigate are named by whistleblowers as participants in the wrongdoing. That situation is not merely a failure of governance; it is a deliberate betrayal of public duty.
When corruption is purposely left unresolved, the damage does not end with stolen public money. It teaches citizens that justice can be delayed until it dies. In Malaysia, the 1MDB scandal showed how billions could vanish while political machinery worked to slow down accountability. The scandal dragged on for years before decisive action came, proving that delay itself can serve as a weapon of protection. That same pattern appears wherever the accused holds enough power to shape the investigation.
The danger grows when corruption becomes normal. In Brazil, Operation Car Wash uncovered a huge network of bribery involving political and business elites. Yet even after exposing the scheme, political struggles and institutional pushback weakened the effort and divided the public. This is the tragedy of unresolved corruption: even when the truth comes out, power can still blunt justice. The people are then left to wonder whether the law is real or merely selective.
The burden often falls hardest on those who speak. In Russia and South Africa, whistleblowers and investigators have repeatedly faced threats, political attacks, or isolation while exposing wrongdoing linked to the powerful. During the era of “state capture” under Jacob Zuma, investigations revealed how public institutions were bent to serve private interests. Such examples show a cruel pattern: the accused are protected while the truth-tellers are punished. This turns justice upside down and warns others to remain silent.
The answer is simple but difficult: independent investigations, fearless institutions, and legal protection for whistleblowers. Corruption cannot be fought by those who benefit from it, because conflict of interest kills honesty at the start. The lesson from Brazil, Malaysia, and South Africa is clear: unresolved corruption poisons nations far beyond the stolen funds. If our government keeps burying scandals to save the powerful, it is not preserving order—it is preparing the collapse of our economy and national stability.
The chamber was full, the numbers were counted, and the Senate’s balance of power shifted once again. But outside that polished hall, many Filipinos barely blinked. To many of us, this was never about who had the majority; it was about what that majority would do with it—and whether truth still stood a chance.
I have long stopped being amazed by how power in this country moves like floodwater: always finding the lowest ground, always soaking the same rotten foundations. The fight in the Senate today looks like politics on paper—motions, alliances, headcounts—but beneath it lies something heavier, something dirtier. It smells less like governance and more like survival. Not survival of the nation, but survival of those whose names keep circling around scandals like flies around open meat.
What unsettles me is not the legal arithmetic of majority rule. Numbers are numbers. A bloc can gather enough bodies and still remain hollow at the center. What bothers me is how that majority was stitched together—through pressure, whispered deals, and the familiar old currency of favors. In this country, political loyalty often behaves like a rented suit: worn by whoever pays or threatens enough. And when institutions become marketplaces, public service becomes a clearance sale.
The flood-control scandal hangs over all this like dark rain clouds that refuse to burst. Billions upon billions poured into projects meant to keep communities dry, while entire towns still drown each monsoon. Roads crack, dikes collapse, rivers swell, and people are told to endure. Then testimonies emerge, fingers point upward, and suddenly the urgency vanishes. Hearings stall. Questions are softened. The chase slows down. It is hard not to see the pattern. When the hunters are also named in the hunt, the forest stays silent.
That is where people’s anger settles—in the deliberate burial of accountability. Corruption in this country is no longer just theft; it has become architecture. It is designed, layered, reinforced, and defended. One agency shields another, one ally protects the next, and the public is left staring at headlines like mourners outside a locked chapel. They tell us investigations are ongoing, but the machinery moves like a car without wheels—lots of noise, no distance covered.
And what a cruel joke it has become. Senators grandstand on television, pounding tables as if they were splitting truth open, only to fold quietly when real names start floating up. It reminds me of cockfights where the loudest men in the arena are often betting on both sides. That is the comedy of our politics—except the punchline costs taxpayers billions. We laugh sometimes because the alternative is despair.
There are days when hope feels like a fragile candle in a storm. When the same people accused of helping drain the treasury tighten their grip on power, the future looks less like sunrise and more like fog. Investors hesitate, public trust shrinks, services suffer, and the peso stretches thinner over the market table. Corruption is not an abstract sin; it is the empty medicine shelf, the unfinished bridge, the overcrowded classroom, the farmer’s unpaid subsidy. It is mud on the economy’s feet, and the nation keeps trying to run.
Still, surrender is the one luxury citizens cannot afford. If those in power have mastered the art of closing ranks, then the public must master the discipline of remembering. Memory is dangerous to corrupt men. Elections, records, testimonies, and relentless public pressure remain the few tools left in the hands of ordinary people. Power may be circling the Senate floor today, but history has a way of circling back. And when it does, the country must be ready to ask, without fear and without forgetting: who buried the truth, and who let it rot?
